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No Sympathy for the Hillbilly. On the morning after, traumatized liberals set out hunting for answers as if Election Day were 9/1.

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The ubiquitous question of 1. Why do they hate us?” — was repurposed for Donald Trump’s demolition of the political order. Why did white working- class voters reject Hillary Clinton and the Democrats? Why did they fall for a billionaire con man? Why do they hate us? There were, of course, many other culprits in the election’s outcome. Comey, the Kremlin, the cable- news networks that beamed Trump 2.

Jill Stein, a Clinton campaign that (among other blunders) ignored frantic on- the- ground pleas for help in Wisconsin and Michigan, and the candidate herself have all come in for deserved public flogging. But the attitude among some liberals toward the actual voters who pulled the trigger on Election Day has been more indulgent, equivocal, and forgiving. Perhaps those white voters without a college degree who preferred Trump by 3. Ronald Reagan landslide — are not “deplorables” who “cling to guns and religion” after all. Perhaps, as Joe Bidenenthused, “these are good people, man!” who “aren’t racist” and “aren’t sexist.” Perhaps, as Mark Lilla argued in an influential essay in the New York Times, they were turned off mostly by the Democrats’ identity politics and rightfully felt excluded from Clinton’s stump strategy of name- checking every ethnicity, race, and gender in the party’s coalition except garden- variety whites. Perhaps they should hate us. While many, if not most, of those in #The.

Resistance of the Democratic base remain furious at these voters, the party’s political class and the liberal media Establishment are making a concerted effort to convert that rage into empathy. Democrats must heed the rural white enclaves, repeatedly instructs the former Pennsylvania governor and MSNBC regular Ed Rendell. Nicholas Kristof has pleaded with his readers to understand that “Trump voters are not the enemy,” a theme shared by the anti- Trump conservative David Brooks.

Even before Trump’s victory, commentators were poring through fortuitously timed books like Nancy Isenberg’s sociocultural history. White Trash and J. Vance’s memoir,Hillbilly Elegy, seeking to comprehend and perhaps find common ground with the Trumpentariat. As measured by book sales and his appeal to much the same NPR- ish audience, Vance has become his people’s explainer- in- chief, the Ta- Nehisi Coates, if you will, of White Lives Matter. The outbreak of Hillbilly Chic among liberals is an inverted bookend to Radical Chic, the indelible rubric attached by Tom Wolfe in 1. Manhattan then fawning over black militants.

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In both cases, the spectacle of liberals doting on a hostile Other can come off like self- righteous slumming. But for those of us who want to bring down the curtain on the Trump era as quickly as possible, this pandering to his voters raises a more immediate and practical concern: Is it a worthwhile political tactic that will actually help reverse Republican rule? Or is it another counterproductive detour into liberal guilt, self- flagellation, and political correctness of the sort that helped blind Democrats to the gravity of the Trump threat in the first place? While the right is expert at channeling darker emotions like anger into ruthless political action, the Democrats’ default inclination is still to feel everyone’s pain, hang their hats on hope, and enter the fray in a softened state of unilateral disarmament. After the debacle of 2.

Democrats to weaponize their anger instead of swallowing it? Instead of studying how to talk to “real people,” might they start talking like real people?

No more reading from wimpy scripts concocted by consultants and focus groups. Better late than never to learn the lessons of Trump’s triumphant primary campaign that the Clinton campaign foolishly ignored. This is a separate matter from the substantive question of whether the party is overdue in addressing the needs of the 2.

The answer to that is yes, as a matter of morality, policy, and politics. Americans below the top of the heap, with or without college degrees and regardless of race, have been ill served by the axis of Robert Rubin, Lawrence Summers, and the Davos- class donor base that during Bill Clinton’s presidency helped grease the skids for the 2.

Barack Obama’s. That Hillary Clinton pocketed $2. State Department is just one hideous illustration of how the Democrats opened the door for Trump to posture as an anti- Establishment champion of “the forgotten men and women.” In the bargain, she gave unenthused Democrats a reason to turn to a third- party candidate or stay home. But it’s one thing for the Democratic Party to drain its own swamp of special interests and another for it to waste time and energy chasing unreachable voters in the base of Trump’s electorate.

For all her failings, Clinton received 3 million more votes than Trump and lost the Electoral College by the mere 7. Michigan (which she lost by . Wisconsin (. 8 point), and Pennsylvania (. Of the 2. 08 counties in America that voted for Obama twice and tipped to Trump in 2. Clinton won anyway (some by a landslide, like New York) or states that have long been solidly red. The centrist think tank Third Way is focusing on the Rust Belt in a $2. Clinton White House aide, says will address the question of how “you restore Democrats as a national party that can win everywhere.” Here is one answer that costs nothing: You can’t, and you don’t.

The party is a wreck. Savage Dog (2017) Movie Dvd Quality. Post- Obama- Clinton, its most admired national leaders (Biden, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren) are of Social Security age.

It rules no branch of federal government, holds only 1. The Democrats must set priorities. The Full The Belko Experiment (2017) Movie. In a presidential election, a revamped economic program and a new generation of un- Clinton leaders may well win back the genuine swing voters who voted for Trump, whether Democratic defectors in the Rust Belt or upscale suburbanites who just couldn’t abide Hillary. But that’s a small minority of Trump’s electorate. Otherwise, the Trump vote is overwhelmingly synonymous with the Republican Party as a whole. That makes it all the more a fool’s errand for Democrats to fudge or abandon their own values to cater to the white- identity politics of the hard- core, often self- sabotaging Trump voters who helped drive the country into a ditch on Election Day.

They will stick with him even though the numbers say that they will take a bigger financial hit than Clinton voters under the Republican health- care plan. As Trump himself has said, in a rare instance of accuracy, they won’t waver even if he stands in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoots somebody. While you can’t blame our new president for loving “the poorly educated” who gave him that blank check, the rest of us are entitled to abstain. If we are free to loathe Trump, we are free to loathe his most loyal voters, who have put the rest of us at risk. Liberals now looking to commune with the Trump base should check out the conscientious effort to do exactly that by the Berkeley sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild. As we learn in her election- year best seller,Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right, she poured her compassion, her anthropological sensibility, and five years of her life into “a journey to the heart of the American right.” Determined to burst out of her own “political bubble,” Hochschild uprooted herself to the red enclave of Lake Charles, Louisiana, where, as she reports, there are no color- coded recycling bins or gluten- free restaurant entr.

There she befriended and chronicled tea- party members who would all end up voting for Trump.